In a finding consistent with these examples, Rosenfield and colleagues (1982) showed that when White participants were asked for money by a shabbily dressed Black panhandler, they were later less willing to volunteer to help promote a racial brotherhood week than if they were initially approached by either a wel l- dressed Black graduate student asking them to sign a petition or by a shabbily dressed White panhandler. A European American kid hassled by a Mexican American in a middl e- school restroom may decide he hates “Mexicans.” In each of these examples, experiences with or negative information about the actions or attributes of a single individual or a small sample of individuals leads to a sweeping negative feeling that is applied to literally millions of people who are perceived to be members of the salient group. A suburban European American child who knows African Americans only through television shows portraying them primarily as criminals may view the entire group as violent and dangerous. An Afghan woman whose niece was killed by an American guided missile is likely to hate Americans.

The typical midwestern American who has never met a Muslim and reads about Muslims only when an act of Islamic terrorism occurs is likely to link her negative feelings about terrorism to the category Muslims. Allport argues that we naturally tend to jump from single experiences with a member of an outgroup to overly broad generalizations about all members of that category.

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